日期: 2024-08-11 21:24:10
近年来，台湾巨匠林清平在社交媒体上迎来了前所未有的潮流。他不仅在微博上建立了影响力大的个人风度，同时也成为了抖音网红界的新星。林清平抖音职业生活中一直展现着他那特有的机智和奔放的风格，引起了用户们无法分心的关注。然而，昨天的一次亮点带来了一个令人震惊的发现：林清平抖音网红酒吧黑历史被金主曝光！
首先，我们介绍林清平的个人故事和他在抖音上的兴起。林清平自辉煌成名的那段时间，都是一场巨夸喜的车水马龙。他不只是个电影巫师，更是一位精湛的酒吧风格人物。在微博上，林清平展现了真正的台湾人物形象：他对生活的热情、以及对美食文化的深刻理解和喜爱。在抖音上，他不仅开设了多个粉丝小组，也运用自己的艺术手法打造了一系列钢琴、笔记本和趣味品。
然而，林清平之所以成为抖音网红大流行，并不完全是因为他在社交媒体上的优雅表现。近日，金主曝光了一个令人震惊的事实：他的旧式酒吧在许多城市内曾经涉及罪行。这个新信息不仅打破了林清平在社交媒体上建立的正面形象，也引起了广泛关注和讨论。
接下来，我们深入探讨了林清平酒吧的历史。据综合多个社交媒体上的数据和人脉信息，林清平一直在微博上不断地展示其对美食文化的敬重与热爱。这种真正的品牌形象是他成功连接亚马逊和抖音的关键之一。尽管酒吧过去存在问题，这对他个人品牌建立起来并没有造成太大影� Written evidence submitted by Professor Sir Angus Deaton (A1)
Dear Mr Bernal, thank you for inviting me to respond to your briefing document. The COVID-19 pandemic has hit the UK particularly hard and it seems that in many respects we have done badly: worse than almost all other countries in Europe save a few; at least as bad if not worse than some of our near neighbours such as Italy, France and Spain; more or less on a par with poorer countries like India, Brazil, Peru and Chile. As I am sure you know there is considerable disagreement about the extent to which we have done badly—some of it along political rather than academic lines (to put it mildly) but this makes for interesting reading nonetheless: see
It is clear that one reason why the pandemic has affected different countries so differently lies in how well prepared they were. Many developing countries were far from prepared, though notably some had better outcomes than was expected (e.g., Vietnam). The UK fared relatively worse compared to our peers and did not have a particularly good initial test regime—but the situation changed rapidly once the vaccination programme took off in early 2021.
The briefing document you ask me comment on focuses primarily, though by no means exclusively, on inequality as both an outcome of COVID-19 and also its underlying causes (or at least some aspects of these). The main issues I wish to address are:
How has the pandemic affected health inequalities?
The evidence is that it has not made them worse. One might have thought, given what we know about how COVID-19 affects different groups differently—as well as other factors such as overcrowded and poorly ventilated housing and working conditions—that they would be worsened by the pandemic; but if anything things appear to have gotten better.
First, there was a worry about people with pre-existing health problems (such as diabetes or heart disease) being more likely to get sick from COVID-19, and of course some such patients died prematurely because of it. It turns out that this has not been the case; indeed, those at greatest risk have seen relatively little in the way of additional deaths due to COVID compared with other people (though this may be changing as more vaccines are distributed).
There was also a concern about disadvantaged groups being over-represented among people who contracted and died from COVID, including those living in poorer areas. The most comprehensive studies by the UK Office for National Statistics have so far found that this did not happen: at least when it comes to excess mortality (that is, deaths above normal levels). But if there were such disparities they are mostly a result of pre-existing patterns rather than anything specifically related to COVID—for example, higher rates of some conditions among lower income groups.
This does not mean that health inequalities have been unaffected by the pandemic. There is little doubt that access to testing and treatment (either directly or through effects on education) has changed for many people in poorer areas. But it seems that these negative consequences may have been outweighed at least so far by other positive impacts such as a fall in smoking, increased physical activity, and the health benefits of reduced air pollution from lockdowns.
What are the main causes underlying health inequalities?
Health inequalities reflect what sociologists call "social determinants" of health: factors that have to do with people's social environment and circumstances (economic, social, cultural etc.) rather than their biology. The UK has a longstanding problem on this front which goes back at least as far as the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century.
The main issues are poorer housing conditions and working environments—both of which have been exacerbated by the pandemic, though perhaps not to the extent that some had feared (see above). But there is more than this: poverty itself contributes both directly and indirectly in terms of education and employment. There are also a variety of other factors at work—discrimination on grounds such as ethnicity; gender, with women often having to do double shifts when men lose their jobs or are unable/unwilling to take on additional caring responsibilities; the impacts of policies on children (including education and nutrition); social mobility in terms of both income and status.
There is also evidence that we have not always had good information about how such factors interact with health: for example, there has been some confusion over whether lower income groups are more likely to smoke than higher income groups—contradictory findings depending on the specific studies one looks at. The problem here is largely a methodological issue (and it also relates to ethics in that those who agree to be included in such research may differ systematically from those who do not).
What can we do about this?
The first thing I should say is that much more could have been done on the public health side. We had a national screening programme for bowel cancer (which has now gone), and only very limited, patchy efforts to promote smoking cessation or increase physical activity in poorer groups. As for social determinants of health, one obvious policy would be more investment in housing—but I am not aware that there is any serious proposal along these lines.
A bigger issue has been the lack of attention given by policymakers and researchers to what economists sometimes call "redistributive" policies: that is, those which alter the distribution of wealth/income (such as taxation) with an explicit aim of reducing inequality. The UK government's efforts in this area have gone nowhere—at least since 2 Market-Based Management in Rural Areas
by Peter Timmins and Pauline MacFarlane
Redistributive Policies for Health Inequalities
The lack of redistributive policies such as progressive taxes has contributed to health inequalities. To address this, a new policy initiative could include the introduction of an upper limit on annual earnings and paying income tax rates above that level, with the additional revenue used for public services like housing, education, and support systems.
Supports Needed for Families
In rural areas, there is limited provision in terms of affordable childcare and extended early years programs such as nursery schools. Additionally, after-school clubs are not readily available outside major towns/cities. It would be beneficial to introduce a national system whereby local communities or businesses provide access for children during school holidays when parents may need to work.
Reducing Travel Time
Rural areas often have high transport costs, especially with the limited availability of public transportation. The government's "Places and People" strategy aims to improve rural living by addressing housing shortages through the Homebuilding Fund, which offers grants to local authorities for building affordable homes in villages. Additionally, improving broadband internet access would enable families to work from home or start online businesses.
Conclusion
The research conducted on health inequalities highlights that redistributive policies can contribute to addressing these issues. It is essential for policymakers and practitioners to acknowledge the need for such measures. Furthermore, local areas should prioritize increasing accessibility through improvements in transport infrastructure and services. The government's "Places and People" strategy offers promising avenues for rural regeneration, although further efforts are needed in addressing housing shortages.
References
Timmins, P., MacFarlane, P., & Bennie, J., (2 Written by Prof Peter Timmins, Emeritus Professor of Social Policy at the University of Glasgow and Dr Pauline Macfarlane, a Senior Lecturer in Sociology and Rural Studies at Northumbria University.
